Major Patterns of HIV Transmission

During that year, a veritable mess of press interest focused on what was then objectively referred to as the " animated cancer," or gay plague."

In the U.S., gay companys had already started to mobilize against the disease, by establishing comm social unity aw arness and discuss centers in large cities such as New York and San Francisco. contempt large-scale government indifference during the Reagan administration, local gay groups rallied or so a newly-named, however as yet largely-faceless, enemy.

In early(a) 1980's Brazil, virtually no organized gay groups existed. No clear, urgent bell was sounded. There was less of an "us (gays) against it (the human immunodeficiency virus virus) card than that found in the U.S. This is partly because Brazilians do not ramify ace's inner identity on the basis of object prime(prenominal). In terms of identification, one's expeditious or passive role in a sexual relationship is more defining than one's choice of a same sex partner. In other words, a heterosexual male can still identify himself as heterosexual as long as he assumes the active role in a sexual relationship. Therefore, m all Brazilians carrying on precarious sexual practices did not consider themselves to be homosexual.

In sociological terms, Brazilians do not consider choice of a same sex partner to contribute to master status. Although a person usually holds many statuses at one time, one status often has far greater significance than any of the others. A master status

Herbert Daniel (1993) observes the blurring of sexual boundaries in Sexuality, Politics, and assist in Brazil:

Daniel, H. (1993). Sexuality, Politics, and AIDS in Brazil. London: The Falmer Press.

The result of this open-ended, fluid nature of sexual contacts, where the lines between gay and heterosexual are blurred by degrees of activity and passivity (rather than the either-or concept of same-, or other-, sex attraction), is that unsafe sex can flourish.

A self-ascribed heterosexual male could assume both male and female partners, thus doubling his chances for HIV infection. In the same manner, the chances of the formation of gay-identified groups, united in their budge against AIDS, remain slim, since Brazilian men remain reluctant to be cast in a passive (gay-identified) role.

Padilha, A. (1988). Vigilancia sanitaria. Tema Radis. 10, p. 5.

In Rio de Janeiro alone, eyepatch nearly a dozen clandestine blood banks were turf out down in 1988 (the same year that the Ministry of Health heady to take action), the director of the state health inspection unit estimated that more than thirty others may have escaped sleuthing (San Francisco Chronicle, 1988, World News). As long as the poor are willing to give blood in order to live what meager existence they have, commercial blood banks will carry to flourish, in spite of some recent efforts by starter gay groups in Brazil. A marginalized and disenfranchised minority (that group willing to be identified as gay) has been the most confirming force in cleaning up the blood banks, but they are fighting an uphill battle, and the road is steep with policy-making corruption and profit-making.

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